The Scotch-Irish in America.

Henry Jones Ford

1915

The Ulster Plantation

From The Scotch-Irish in America by Henry Jones Ford.

Chapter I.

In 1609, six years after the accession of James VI. of Scotland to the throne of England as James I. in its line of kings, a scheme was matured for planting Ulster with Scotch and English, and the following year the settlement began. The actual settlers were mostly Scotch, and the Ulster plantation took the character of a Scotch occupation of the North of Ireland. In that plantation was formed the breed known as Scotch-Irish, which was prominent in the struggle for American independence and which supplied to American population an ingredient that has deeply affected the development of the nation. It is the purpose of this work to give an account of this Scotch-Irish strain in the composition of the American people, tracing its history and influence.

The circumstances in which the Ulster plantation was formed had much to do with fixing the characteristics of the breed. The plantation was attended by an ouster of native Irish that is a staple subject of censure by historians who, from the point of view supplied by the ideas of our own times, hold that wiser arrangements might have been made in the interest of all parties. But that was not easy to see then. Francis Bacon is reckoned a wise man but he did not see it. In a letter written in 1601 to Cecil, Elizabeth's famous Secretary of State, Bacon referred to three roots of trouble in Ireland:

"The first, the ambition and absoluteness of the chiefs of the families and septs. The second, the licentious idleness of their kernes and soldiers, that lie upon the country by cesses and such like oppressions. And the third, the barbarous laws, customs, their brehon laws, habits of apparel, their poets or heralds that enchant them in savage manners, and sundry other dregs of barbarism and rebellion."

The policy of making English settlements in Ireland was no new thing. It had been pursued fitfully from Norman times. Bacon did not question it, but he argued that further undertakings of the kind should not be left "as heretofore, to the pleasure of Undertakers and adventurers, where and how to build and plant; but that they do it according to a prescript or formulary." In this way the Government would be assured that the places would be selected "which are fittest for colonies or garrisons, as well for doubt of the foreigner, as for keeping the country in bridle." Bacon had the matter so much on his mind that in 1606 he presented to King James Considerations Touching the Plantation in Ireland written in the highest style of his stately eloquence. He said that among the works of kings two "have the supreme preeminence: the union, and the plantation of kingdoms." By a singular favor of Divine Providence "both these kinds of foundations or regenerations" had been put into the hands of King James: "the one, in the union of the island of Britain; the other in the plantation of great and noble parts of the island of Ireland." Adorning his periods with elaborate metaphors in which figured the harp of Ireland, the harp of Orpheus and the harp of David, Bacon expatiated upon the greatness of the achievement "when people of barbarous manners are brought to give over and discontinue their customs of revenge and blood, of dissolute life, and of theft, and of rapine; and to give ear to the wisdom of laws and governments."

At the time this discourse was written the property of the Crown in Ulster consisted chiefly of the abbey lands, and plans were under consideration for settling English and Scotch colonists upon these lands while the Irish lords retained their lands with English title and under English law. But so important did the plantation appear to Bacon, even although thus limited, that he suggested that the King, the better to express his "affection to the enterprise, and for a pledge thereof," should add the Earldom of Ulster to the titles of the Prince of Wales.

Bacon went on to discuss in detail the principles that should govern the enterprise. He thought that "the generality of Undertakers" should be "men of estate and plenty," not that they would go there themselves but that they would have means to engage in the business for the "advancement of their younger children or kinsfolks; or for the sweetness of the expectation of a great bargain in the end." As incentives the lands should be let to them on easy rates and large liberties. Upon the latter point Bacon promptly explains that he does not mean liberties of jurisdiction which "hath been the error of the ancient donations and plantations in that country." He means only "liberties tending to commodity; as liberty to transport any of the commodities growing upon the countries new planted; liberty to import from hence all things appertaining to their necessary use, custom-free." If this wise advice had been acted upon consistently the course of Irish and American history would have been different.

At this time the colonization of Virginia was appealing for support, but in comparison with the Ulster project the Virginia plantation seemed so visionary that Bacon referred to it as "an enterprise in my opinion differing as much from this, as Amadis de Gaul differs from Caesar's Commentaries." He struck the same note in 1617 when as Lord Chancellor of England he addressed the person called to be Lord Chief Justice of Ireland. Bacon remarked that "Ireland is the last ex filiis Europae which hath been reclaimed from desolation and a desert (in many parts) to population and plantation; and from savage and barbarous customs to humanity and civility." He commended the plantations to the special care of the new justice, with the admonition: "You are to be a master builder, and a master planter, and reducer of Ireland."

Bacon's views have been considered at some length because they illumine the ideas with which the statesmanship of the age approached such tasks, and also reveal the origin of some characteristic features of the Ulster plantation. To Bacon's view the tribal system of Ireland with its state of chronic disorder was a remnant of the same barbarism against which Caesar fought in Gaul and Charlemagne in continental Europe. The planting of trusty colonies among uncivilized peoples as garrisons to check their insubordination and as centers from which culture would be diffused was a practice that went back to the times of the ancient Roman commonwealth, had been adopted by many European rulers, and was generally regarded as a well-settled expedient of prudent statesmanship. Nothing in Bacon's remarks indicates any doubt in his mind as to the rightfulness of such a policy in Ireland, although it necessarily involved dispossession of natives.

His only concern was to adopt such measures as would make the policy efficacious. Moreover it should be borne in mind that in that time the feudal principle that the tenure of land is contingent upon personal service to the State had not been overborne by the notions of individual ownership and exclusive right that have since become dominant, although in our own times there are signs of reaction. It seemed altogether fitting that rebels and traitors should be ejected and that the land should be placed in charge of those upon whom the King could rely when he called for service. At the bottom of land tenure was a personal relation between the King and his liege. The State in its modern aspect as a sovereign authority deriving its revenues from systematic taxation and regulating rights and duties by positive law was in process of formation but it was not fully developed until long after the period of the Ulster plantation.

The effect of Bacon's advice in the Ulster arrangements is distinctly marked. To it seems to be due one of the existing orders of English nobility. Bacon deemed it so important "to allure by all means fit Undertakers" that in the memorial of 1606 he suggested that grants of knighthood, "with some new difference and precedence," might "work with many" in drawing them to the support of the cause. Action taken by the King early in 1611 accords with Bacon's advice. The order of baronets, officially described as "a new dignitie between Barons and Knights," was instituted, to consist of gentlemen who should bind themselves to pay a sum sufficient to maintain thirty foot-soldiers in Ireland for three years, the money thus obtained to be kept as a special fund so that it might be "wholly converted to that use for which it was given and intended." The first of these baronets was Bacon's own half-brother, and it appears that Bacon advised the King on points raised touching the dignity and precedence of the new order of nobility. There have been many flings at James I. in this matter of the institution of the order of baronet--it seems to have a special attraction for the sarcasm of writers of popular history--but the record shows that it was inspired by Bacon and was performed by the King as a utilitarian transaction quite in the modern spirit. A similar creation of baronets was planned by King James in 1624 in aid of the colonization of Nova Scotia, the fundamental condition being that each baronet of this class should maintain six colonists for two years. The two classes are still distinguished in their heraldry, all baronets having the right to bear the Red Hand of Ulster on their coat of arms, except those of the Nova Scotian creation who display the arms of Scotland. The order of baronet, although ranking below other orders of nobility in dignity and precedence, may justly claim to possess a distinctly imperial character.

Not long after Bacon's memorial to the King the possibilities in Ulster were enlarged by a series of events which at the same time emphasized the need of vigorous measures. These events serve also to illustrate the clash of cultures that was the underlying cause of Irish anarchy. The accession of James took place just as an uprising aided by Spanish troops had been subdued after more than four years of hard fighting. The submission of the Earl of Tyrone, the chief native magnate of Ulster, whose surrender ended resistance in that province, took place only a few days before James set out from Edinburgh to take possession of the throne of England to which he had just been called. The Irish situation presented an urgent problem to James and his counsellors. That problem, in addition to its chronic perplexities arising from internal conditions, was complicated by foreign influences. The Counter-Reformation was prosecuted with great vigor and success by Jesuit missionaries in Ireland and their plans of making the country an independent kingdom gained the sympathy of Pope Gregory XIII., who accepted the Crown of Ireland in behalf of a nephew. The movement acquired serious importance when Philip II. of Spain gave support to it. He was not inclined at first to have anything to do with the Irish as he was embittered by the way in which crews of wrecked galleons of the Armada had been robbed and murdered on the western coast of Ireland. But English attacks on the coasts of Spain and Portugal, and the support which Elizabeth extended to the provinces of the Netherlands in revolt against his rule, reconciled him to alliances with Irish insurgents, and twice during Elizabeth's reign Spanish forces were landed in Ireland. Hugh O'Neill, the Earl of Tyrone, took a leading part in the dealings with Spain, and he received from the Pope a crown of peacock's feathers. In making his submission he had stipulated for the retention of his Earldom, with its territorial jurisdiction in Ulster, although renouncing his Celtic chiefry. This was done before he had heard of Elizabeth's death, and on hearing the news he is said to have cried with vexation at not having held out for better terms. With such an attitude on his part there was an instability in the Ulster situation, soon to be displayed.

A difficulty with which the Government had constantly to contend arose from the conflicts among the Irish themselves. The chiefs argued that the land belonged to them; the occupants protested that the land was theirs although the chiefs had a customary right to various services and dues in kind. The chiefs quarreled among themselves as to their rights. Tyrone was incensed against his principal vassal, O'Cahan, who had made his submission before Tyrone gave him leave. O'Cahan's feudal rent, formerly fixed at 21 cows a year, was summarily raised to 200 cows. In support of this demand Tyrone took possession of a large district belonging to O'Cahan. When O'Cahan made his peace with the Government he had been assured that he should in future hold his lands not from Tyrone but directly from the Crown. O'Cahan appealed to the authorities at Dublin, but it was difficult to get Tyrone to appear to answer the charges. When he did so he insulted the Lord Deputy and Council by snatching the papers from O'Cahan's hand and tearing them to pieces. Eventually the King decided to hear the case in England, but instead of obeying the summons Tyrone fled the country, never to return. This action was quite unexpected by the Government as Tyrone had been demanding that he be allowed to plead his cause before the King in person. The affair has never been fully cleared up but it is known that the Government had received information that arrangements were making for another rising with Spanish aid and that Rory O'Donnell, Earl of Tyrconnel, was in the movement. This information did not mention Tyrone; but his cousin, Cuconnaught Maguire, who was in the plot and who had just gone to Brussels on its business, heard there that it had been discovered. Maguire procured a ship with which he sailed to the North of Ireland and on September 4, 1607, took off both Tyrconnel and Tyrone. This was the famous Flight of the Earls by which a great part of Ulster was escheated to the English Crown. Those were times when the more strong and active spirits among the masses of the people preferred to live as fighting men and raiders rather than as industrial drudges, and bands began operations in various districts. O'Cahan himself became disaffected, owing to some claims of the Bishop of Derry to lands in O'Cahan's territory. He drove the bishop's tax gatherers off the disputed lands, defied writs of law and did not submit until a body of troops was about to march on his castle.

While these events were taking place a clash occurred between the English commander at Derry and a neighboring Irish lord that culminated in another insurrection. Sir George Paulet, commander at Derry, was a dull, incapable and arrogant person who had obtained the command by purchase. In one of the Lord Deputy's reports to the home Government it is said of him that "he was hated by those over whom he had command, and neither beloved nor feared by the Irish, his neighbors." O'Dogherty, lord of Innishowen, collected a number of his followers to fell timber. A rumor reached Paulet that O'Dogherty was out to await the return of Tyrone, and Paulet marched on O'Dogherty's castle. Although O'Dogherty was away, his wife refused to open the gates and showed such an undaunted spirit that Paulet had to choose between attempting a siege with an inadequate force or marching home again, and chose the latter. O'Dogherty wrote a sharp letter of complaint to Paulet, but it was in respectful language and was subscribed "your loving friend." Paulet sent a railing letter in reply, closing with the declaration: "So wishing confusion to your actions, I leave you to a provost marshal and his halter." Although O'Dogherty was greatly incensed he did not refuse to present himself at Dublin to answer for his conduct; and soon afterward he acted as foreman of the Donegal grand jury that found bills for high treason against the fugitive Earls. O'Dogherty, who was young and hot-headed, was worked upon by others so that at last he did engage in a plot that enabled him to take vengeance on Paulet. The details of this affair are particularly instructive from the revelation they make of the sort of experiences that colored Ulster traditions and stamped the character of the Ulster breed.

O'Dogherty's first task was to procure a supply of arms and ammunition to use against Paulet. He approached Captain Henry Hart, commander of the fort of Culmore guarding the entrance to the Foyle, with complaints that the attitude of the ladies of Derry deprived his wife of society suitable to her rank. He asked Captain Hart to set a good example of social intercourse by coming to dine with him bringing also Mrs. Hart and the children. The request accorded with the conciliatory policy of the Government and the invitation was unsuspectingly accepted. As soon as dinner was over O'Dogherty threatened Hart with instant death unless he would agree to surrender the fort. Hart, a man of the bull-dog breed, flatly refused. His wife and children were brought before him and threatened with death; his wife fell at his feet on her knees, crying and beseeching him to yield. It was urged that by so doing he would save the garrison too, as all would be killed if force had to be used whereas all would be spared if the post were quietly surrendered. O'Dogherty offered to take a solemn oath that he would carry out his promise. Hart reminded him that he was even then breaking the oath of allegiance he had taken not long before; and bluntly declared that he "should never trust oath that ever he made again." But while O'Dogherty failed to budge Captain Hart, he gained his end by the aid of the Captain's wife. In her terror for her husband and her children Mrs. Hart entered into a scheme for betraying the garrison. Accompanied by O'Dogherty and his men, she went to the fort at nightfall, crying out that the Captain had fallen from his horse and had broken his arm. The little garrison ran out to help their commander and O'Dogherty rushed in and took possession.

These events took place on April 18, 1608. Having obtained the arms he needed, O'Dogherty set out at once to attack Paulet at Derry. Although that commander had been warned of danger, he had not taken any precautions and habitually neglected even such routine duty as the posting of sentries. O'Dogherty's men" were inside the fortifications before the noise roused Paulet. He ran out of his own house and hid in one of the other houses where he was finally discovered and killed. The surprise was so complete that the garrison was not able to make much resistance, but Lieutenant Baker with about 140 persons, men, women, and children, took possession of two large houses and held out until noon on the following day. By that time provisions had run short and O'Dogherty had brought up a cannon from Culmore, so Baker surrendered upon the promise that the lives of all with him should be spared. This promise was fulfilled. O'Dogherty slew no prisoners and in the course of his short rebellion no blood was shed by his orders except in actual conflict.

As soon as the Government was able to throw troops into the country O'Dogherty's lieutenants abandoned Derry and Culmore, after setting them on fire. The rebellion was never really formidable although O'Dogherty's energetic movements carried it into several counties. His forces were finally routed and he himself was killed on July 5, 1608. In a report to the home Government Sir John Davies, Attorney-General of Ireland, noted that O'Dogherty's death "happened not only on the fifth day of the month, but on a Tuesday, but the Tuesday 11 weeks, that is 77 days after the burning of Derry, which is an ominous number being seven elevens and eleven sevens." The special mention of Tuesday in this collection of portents is an allusion to an old proverb that Tuesday is the day of English luck in Ireland.

In consequence of these events vast areas were escheated to the Crown, including most of the territory now forming the counties of Donegal, Londonderry, Tyrone, Fermanagh, Armagh and Cavan. It was the good fortune of the Ulster plantation that the man then at the head of the Irish Government as Lord Deputy was an administrator of rare ability. Sir Arthur Chichester, the Lord Deputy, is a typical specimen of the class of proconsuls whose solid characteristics have been the building material of the British Empire. He was born in 1563, the second son of Sir John Chichester of Ramleigh, near Barnstaple, Devonshire. He was educated at Exeter College, Oxford; was an officer in one of the Queen's best ships in the fight with the Spanish Armada in 1588; in 1595 he was employed in a military command in Drake's unfortunate last expedition to the West Indies, and the next year he commanded a company in the expedition of Essex that captured Cadiz; in 1597 he was third in command of a force sent to the assistance of Henry IV. of France, was wounded at the siege of Amiens and was subsequently knighted. He afterward served in the Netherlands and was in garrison at Ostend when he was summoned to duty in Ireland, in command of a force of 1,200 men. The record shows that although only thirty-six when he began his distinguished career in Ireland, he was a veteran thoroughly seasoned by land and by sea.

A characteristic instance of his determination in all matters of discipline took place soon after Essex arrived in Ireland as head of its Administration by Elizabeth's personal favor. Having heard of the good order in which Chichester kept his force, Essex went to Drogheda to review it. Carried away by excitement the scatterbrain Earl led a cavalry charge against the pikemen. Chichester repulsed the horsemen as if they had been actual enemies, and the Earl himself was scratched by a slash from a pike that made him wheel about and retreat. Essex took the affair in good part and on April 28, 1599, appointed Chichester to be governor of Carrickfergus and the adjacent country. Chichester took an active but subordinate part in the war waged against Tyrone and his adherents. On April 19, 1603, shortly after the accession of James, Chichester was made a member of the Irish Privy Council; and on October 15, 1604, he was appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland, although not inducted into office until February 3, 1605. The appointment may be ascribed to the influence of a predecessor in that office, Mountjoy, who was now Earl of Devonshire and the King's chief adviser on Irish affairs, and who well knew the need there was for a strong hand and a cool head at the helm in Ireland. Chichester himself did not seek the office. About five months after assuming it he wrote to the home Government that it would be advisable to put a more eminent man at the head of affairs, "a man of his [Chichester's] estate and fortune being better fit to serve His Majesty in meaner places."

The perusal of Chichester's State Papers impresses one with his virtue in the Roman sense of hard manliness. His concern was always for the discharge of his professional duty; and that formed his moral horizon. He chose means with regard to their efficacy in attaining practical results, offering rewards for the heads of rebel chiefs, slaying their active partisans and wasting the land on occasion, but never indulging purposeless cruelty. He had a low opinion of the character of the native Irish, but he had no animosity and was more disposed to adopt conciliatory measures than the home Government. Indeed, his disapproval of measures to force the Roman Catholics into the Established Church eventually led to his retirement. While bent on repressing disorder and bringing the Irish chiefs under the rule of law, he was also vigilant against abuses in the administration and spared no one. He advised Montgomery, the Bishop of Derry, "sometimes to leave the care of the world, to which he thought him too much affected, and to attend to his pastoral calling and the reformation of his clergy." He showed great powers of sustained application to the literary tasks in which his position involved him, and his numerous State Papers are full, clear, and precise. In view of his previous career this side of his activity is remarkable, for he handles the pen with a readiness unusual in the captains of that age. In filing dispatches from the home Government he not only endorsed them with the date on which they were received but also added a summary of their contents, in a handwriting remarkably bold, clear and regular. The information gathered by his spies included stories of plots to make away with him by assassination or poisoning, but to alarms of that sort he appears to have been incredulous and callous. In the camp or in the office he was ever ready, clear-headed and sensible. In the plantation of Ulster he received a large grant of land and in 1613 he was raised to the Irish peerage as Lord Chichester of Belfast. He had no children and his estates devolved on his brother, Edward, father of Arthur Chichester, first Earl of Donegal.

Another official whose copious and vivid writings add greatly to our knowledge of this period is Sir John Davies. The modernized spelling of his name is here used although in the Irish Calendars it appears as Davys. He was born in Wiltshire, England, in 1569 and took his A.B. degree at Oxford in 1590. His poetical works hold an established place in English literature and his literary ability gives a distinctive lustre to his official papers, but in Ireland he figures as a hard-working administrator. He arrived in 1603 to assume the office of Solicitor-General. In 1606 he succeeded to the post of Attorney-General. From first to last he took an active and prominent part in the Ulster plantation. He was a man of high personal courage and of versatile ability, a fine poet, a voluminous essayist on legal, antiquarian and historical subjects, an eloquent speaker and a vigorous man of action. He held office in Ireland until 1619 and died in England in 1626, after he had been appointed Lord Chief Justice but before he had assumed the office.

The scheme adopted for the plantation of Ulster was not the invention of anyone but was the outcome of the statesmanship of the age. Just such ideas as Bacon expressed in his Considerations presented to King James run all through the State Papers of this period. So early as October 2, 1605, long before the Flight of the Earls, Chichester wrote that the situation "can only be remedied by planting of English and others well affected in fit places." Chichester held that none of the fields in which colonization was then projected equalled Ireland. He remarks that he "knows of many who endeavor the finding out of Virginia, Guiana, and other remote and unknown countries, and leave this of our own waste and desolate, which needs be an absurd folly or wilful ignorance." The allusion to Sir Walter Raleigh's projects is transparent. As a matter of fact both the Ulster and the Virginia plantations took root and bore abundantly, each deeply affecting the other's destiny. On September 17, 1607, less than a fortnight after the Flight of the Earls, Chichester advised the English Privy Council that to bring Ulster to any settled state of order it would be necessary either to plant strong "colonies of civil people of England or Scotland" or else drive out the wild Irishmen to the waste lands "leaving only such people behind as will dwell under the protection of the garrisons and forts which would be made strong and defensible." He strongly recommended the former course although he held the latter to be justifiable. At that period "civil" had a significance for which the term "civilized" would now be employed. The term "civilization" did not get into the vocabulary until long afterward, and so late as 1772 it was resisted by Dr. Samuel Johnson as an unnecessary innovation which he refused to admit into his dictionary. When Bacon and Chichester spoke of introducing civility into Ireland they had in mind substituting legally organized communities for the tribal groups.

The home Government was quite ready to act upon the suggestion and the response was prompt and decided. The Chief Secretary of State was Robert Cecil, a cousin of Francis Bacon. Cecil had served Elizabeth as Secretary of State and had been continued in the position with augmented power by James, who in 1605 conferred upon him the title of Earl of Salisbury. In advance of the action of the English Privy Council, Salisbury wrote to Chichester assuring him of support and on September 29, 1607, the ground plan of the Ulster plantation was thus formulated in a communication from the Privy Council to Chichester:

"For the plantation which is to follow upon attainder, the King in general approves of his (Chichester's) project, being resolved to make a mixture of the inhabitants, as well Irish as English and Scotch; to respect and favor the Irish that are of good note and desert, and to make him (Chichester) specially judge thereof; to prefer English that are and have been servitors before any new men from hence; to assign places of most importance to men of best trust; and generally to observe these two cautions;--first, that such as be planted there be not needy, but of a reasonable sufficiency to maintain their portions; secondly, that none shall have a vast, but only a reasonable proportion; much less that any one of either nation shall be master of a whole country. But before this plantation can be digested and executed, much must be prepared by himself (Chichester), as His Majesty is to be better informed of the lands to be divided; what countries are most meet to be inhabited; what Irish fit to be trusted; what English meet for that plantation in Ireland; what offers are or will be made there; what estates are fit to be granted; and what is to be done for the conviction of the fugitives, because there is no possession or estate to be given before their attainder."

The tenor of official dispatches makes it clear that the Flight of the Earls was regarded as a good opportunity for radical treatment of the Ulster situation, "that those countries be made the King's by this accident," to use Salisbury's own words. By the term "servitors" is meant officers in the King's service in Ireland, who knew the country and had had experience in dealing with the natives. The need of careful management was appreciated by the Government, for in the preceding reign three attempts had been made at Ulster colonization, all ending in total failure. These had been in the nature of grants of territory to individual adventurers who undertook to take possession and bring in tenants, but who were unable to overcome the resistance of the native Irish, desperately opposed to the intrusion of individual holdings in their tribal territory. The Government was determined that the next attempt of the kind should be made in sufficient force.

The information demanded by the home Government was submitted under date of January 23, 1608, in "a project for the division and plantation of the escheated lands," etc., prepared by the Privy Council of Ireland. This is a long document in which for the first time the plantation scheme took definite form. It included a schedule of available lands in the six escheated counties, with a scheme of allotment. The different classes of Undertakers and the size of their holdings to be allowed to them were designated, and the main points of the scheme as finally carried into effect were set forth.

Not long after the transmission of this project the O'Dogherty rebellion broke out. With its suppression work on the project was resumed and in September, 1608, Chichester prepared a detailed statement entitled Certain Notes of Remembrances Touching the Plantation and Settlement of the Escheated Lands in Ulster, which he gave to Chief Justice Ley and Attorney-General Davies as their instructions in sending them to England to confer with the King and Privy Council. This was a soldier's review of the Ulster situation, county by county, noting the force and disposition of the natives, and mentioning the places that should be strongly occupied to guard the peace of the plantation.

The outcome of these reports and conferences was the publication of Orders and Conditions To Be Observed by the Undertakers issued by the King and Privy Council in March, 1609. The preamble sets forth that "many persons being ignorant of the conditions whereupon His Majesty is pleased to grant the said land are importunate suitors for greater portions than they are able to plant, intending their private profit only and not the advancement of the public service." The orders then set forth conditions of allotment and occupation similar in general to those proposed in the project of January 23, 1608, framed by the Irish Privy Council.

From now on the course of events spreads out in Ireland, England and Scotland, and an attempt to follow chronological order would confuse the narrative. A chronology appended to this chapter gives the sequence of events, but comment upon them can be made most conveniently by a topical arrangement.

While the home Government was arranging to responsible Undertakers, the Irish Administration was busy getting the lands ready for occupation. On July 21, 1609, a new commission, with Chichester himself at the head, was appointed to survey the country and mark fit places for settlement. The letters of Davies, who was on this commission, give a picturesque account of its proceedings. It was accompanied by surveyors who worked under guard, for "our geographers," wrote Davies, "do not forget what entertainment the Irish gave to a map-maker about the end of the late rebellion." When he "came into Tyrconnell the inhabitants took off his head, because they would not have their country discovered." The thoroughness with which the commissioners did their work is attested by the completeness of their records. Abstracts of title were made, and detailed maps were prepared, for which there is still so much demand that the British Government issues facsimile copies, with the exception of the map of Donegal which has been lost. On June 5, 1610, Chichester received the King's warrant to prepare a new commission to put the settlers in possession and on August 28, 1610, this commission issued a proclamation that the allotted lands were open for occupation.

Meanwhile Court influence had been exerted to induce the City of London to take part in the enterprise. At that time London was still a medieval city, surrounded by walls the gates of which were shut at a certain hour. The population was less than 250,000, and even this number was regarded as overcrowding the area so as to invite outbreaks of the plague, deaths from which cause in London amounted to 30,561 in 1603. One of the arguments used in support of colonization projects was that they would, draw off surplus population and thus avert the periodical visitations of the plague. The importance of London was very much greater than the size of its population might suggest, for it was the privileged seat of great chartered companies, whose transactions ranged far abroad. In that period a municipal corporation was not so much a governing body in the modern sense as a mercantile body. It was interested in trade for the advantage of the burgesses far more than in administration of public affairs for the benefit of the inhabitants. Judicial and administrative functions were vigorously exercised as an incident of charter privileges and for their protection, but the conception of a public trusteeship for the general welfare was still undeveloped.

It was not until 1684 that the lighting of the streets was made a public function. The dirty and turbulent town was a mixture of squalor and magnificence, but its merchant princes were a recognized power in the State and the King and his Council were anxious to interest them in the Ulster project. One difficulty in the way was that schemes of American colonization were then attracting business adventure. Much was known about Ireland; it was a stale subject fraught with disagreeable associations. Little was known of America, and impressions originally derived from the East attached to it, as the term "West Indies" still bears witness, as also the common appellation of the American aborigines. The mention of Ireland called up notions of hard knocks and poor gains, while concerning America there were vague but alluring notions compounded of traditional belief in the gorgeous opulence of India, of genuine trade knowledge of the value of its products, and of rumors of vast treasure gained by the Spanish in America. Among the corporate powers of the London Company that founded Jamestown in May, 1607, was the right to search for mines and to coin money. No such golden lure could be held out in behalf of Ireland. It was felt that special efforts were necessary to impress upon the City magnates the business advantages to be derived from Irish colonization.

The King had a statement prepared for the purpose entitled Motives and Reasons To Induce the City of London To Undertake Plantation in the North of Ireland. An appeal is made to civic pride by citing "the eternal commendation" gained by Bristol, which city in the reign of Henry II. rebuilt and populated Dublin, and the hope is expressed that "this noble precedent were followed by the City of London in these times." The King desired that London do for Derry what Bristol did for Dublin, and he submits a detailed statement of the natural resources, industrial opportunities and commercial facilities of the north of Ireland, which in view of actual results does not seem to be much inflated. His assertion that materials for the linen trade are "finer there and more plentiful than in all the rest of the Kingdom" was eventually borne out by the establishment of the linen industry for which the North of Ireland has since been famous. This appeal together with the project of plantation as formulated in Orders and Conditions To Be Observed by Undertakers, was sent to the Lord Mayor, who, on July 1, 1609, issued a precept to the chartered companies requesting that they meet to consider the subject and also to nominate four men from each company to serve on a committee to represent the City in the negotiation.

The City companies were apparently reluctant to engage in the enterprise, and a few years later when some differences occurred as to the terms of the bargain, it was officially declared that the City had at last yielded to pressing importunity. The record shows that the companies did not move until a second and more urgent precept was issued, dated July 8, 1609. The companies then sent representatives to meet at Guildhall to discuss the King's proposals and deputies were appointed to answer for the City. Several conferences took place between these deputies and the Privy Council, hut the most that the City magnates would agree to do was to look into the matter. At a conference with the Privy Council held on Sunday, July 30, 1609, it was decided that the negotiations should he suspended until "four wise, grave and discreet citizens should he presently sent to view the place." They were to go at the City's charges and "make report to the City, at their return from thence, of their opinions and doings touching the same."

The official correspondence of that period reveals the solicitude of the King and Privy Council for the successful conclusion of the negotiation with the City. On August 3, 1609, the Privy Council wrote to Chichester notifying him that the City was sending out certain deputies to view the land and instructing him to provide such guidance as would impress upon them the value of the concessions, while "matters of distaste, as fear of the Irish, of the soldiers, of cess, and such like, he not so much as named." These citizens of London, John Brode, goldsmith, John Monroes, Robert Treswell, painter, and John Rowley, draper, doubtless found themselves much courted and flattered by the dignitaries to whom they bore letters of introduction. In a letter of August 28, written from camp in Coleraine, to Lord Salisbury of the Privy Council, Davies tells how they were all using "their best rhetoric" on the Londoners. He mentions that "one of the agents is fallen sick, and would fain return, but the Lord Deputy and all the rest here use all means to comfort and retain him, lest this accident should discourage his fellow-citizens."

However flattered the citizens may have been by these blandishments their business keenness was not impaired. On October 13, 1609, Chichester writes that "these agents aim at all the places of profit and pleasure upon the rivers of the Bann and Loughfole." He had endeavored to meet their demands "whereby he thinks they depart fully satisfied." But the soldier evidently does not repose entire confidence in the disposition of the civic bargainers, for he remarks that "he prays God they prove not like their London women, who sometimes long to-day and loathe to-morrow." But the citizens evidently made a favorable report to the City guilds for in the following January three conferences took place in London between the Government and the City in which the City's representatives showed an eager spirit. The City deputies that went to Ireland were present and the course of the proceedings showed that they had prompted demands beyond what the Government had thought of allowing. The minutes record that on some points there was "much altercation." The representatives of the Government showed an accommodating spirit and eventually an agreement was reached confirmed by articles signed January 28, 1610. In consideration of various privileges the City agreed to levy £20,000 in aid of the proposed plantation. The county of Coleraine, thereafter known as Londonderry, was allotted to the City for colonization, and it was stipulated that the city of Derry and the town of Coleraine should be rebuilt. The agreement is set forth in twenty-seven articles, concluding with the provision that "the City shall, with all speed, set forward the plantation in such sort as that there be 60 houses built in Derry and 40 houses at Coleraine by the first of November following, with convenient fortifications."

Although it was undoubtedly a wise stroke of policy on the part of the King to enlist the powerful City guilds in the enterprise, the mainstay of the Ulster plantation turned out to be the Scottish participation, which does not seem to have been originally regarded as important. Although from the first there was an understanding between Chichester and the English Privy Council that eventually the plantation would be opened to Scotch settlers, no steps were taken in that direction until the plans had been matured. If meanwhile any expectations of a share were entertained in Scotland there was no legal basis for them. Ireland belonged to the English Crown and although the King of Scotland was also King of England, the two kingdoms were then quite separate and distinct. The first public announcement of any Scottish connection with the Ulster plantation appears in a letter of March 19, 1609, from Sir Alexander Hay, the Scottish secretary resident at the English Court, to the Scottish Privy Council at Edinburgh. The tone of the letter shows that he was all agog with the news of the fine prospects opening up for the Scotch. Hay relates that he had been present by command at a meeting of the English Privy Council, at which he was notified that the arrangements for the Ulster plantation had been settled and that the King's Scottish subjects were to be allowed a share. Several members of the Privy Council put down their names in his presence, and the roll of the English Undertakers was already complete.

The articles required that every Undertaker for 2,000 acres should build a castle of stone, which he feared "may effraye our people," but upon inquiry he learned that "nothing was meant thereby bot any litill toure or peill suche as are common in our Bordouris." He was also curious to know how great an area 2,000 acres would be, and was told that it meant a property two miles square of arable land and pasture, without counting attached wood and bog. He suggests to the Council that here is a great opportunity for Scotland, since "we haif greitt advantage of transporting of our men and bestiall in regard we lye so near to that coiste of Ulster." The Scottish Privy Council acted promptly. On March 28 orders were issued for public proclamation of the good things now available upon "certain easy, tolerable and profitable conditions," which the King had offered "out of his unspeikable love and tendir affectioun toward his Majesties subjectis"; and those of them "quho ar disposit to tak ony land in Yreland" were requested to present their desires and petitions to the Council. The King's ancient subjects responded so heartily that by September 14 the allotments applied for by seventy-seven persons amounted to 141,000 acres although Hay had reckoned the Scottish share at 90,000 acres. In the following year the matter of Scottish participation was taken over by the English Privy Council, and when the list of the Scottish Undertakers was finally revised and completed, the number had been reduced from seventy-seven to fifty-nine, and of these only about eighteen had been among the original seventy-seven. Instead of the 141,000 acres applied for, the final award allotted 81,000 acres to Scotch Undertakers.

Military considerations presided over arrangements for the plantation. Hence the scheme provided that the natives should have locations of their own, while the settlers should be massed in districts so that their united force would confront attack. Only the "servitors," a class of Undertakers restricted to officers in the public service in Ireland, were permitted to have Irish tenants. The design was that the servitors should have estates adjacent to the Irish reservations, to "defend the borders and fortresses and suppress the Irishry." This expression occurs in a letter of May, 1609, from the Bishop of Armagh urging a postponement of actual occupation until the following spring, one of his reasons being that it would be dangerous for the English Undertakers to start until the servitors were ready. The lands were divided into lots of 2,000, 1,500 and 1,000 acres, designated respectively as great, middle and small proportions. Each Undertaker for a great or middle proportion had to give bond, in £400 or £300 respectively, that within three years he would build a stone or brick house with a "bawn," fortified enclosure, and he was required to have ready in his house "12 muskets and calivers, 12 hand weapons for the arming of 24 men." The Undertaker for a small proportion had to give bond in £200 that he would build a bawn.

The Scotch and English Undertakers for great proportions were under obligation "within three years to plant or place upon the said proportion 48 able men, aged 18 years or upward, born in England or inward parts of Scotland." Applications for estates were open to three classes: (1) English or Scottish persons generally, (2) servitors, (3) natives of Ireland. The estates of 2,000 acres were charged with knight's service to the King in capite; those of 1,500 acres with knight's service to the Castle of Dublin; and those of 1,000 acres with the tenure of common socage. That is to say the larger estates were held by the military tenure of the feudal system, while the small proportions were simply held by perpetual lease at a fixed rent. The yearly rent to the Crown for every 1,000 acres was 5£ 6s 8d for Undertakers of the first sort, 8£ for the second and 10£ 13s. 4d. for the native Irish. If the servitors should plant their lands with English or Scottish tenants they should pay the same rent as the Undertakers of the first sort. No Undertaker or his assign had the right to "alien or demise any of his lands to a meer Irish, or to any who will not take the oath of supremacy" upon pain of forfeiture.

These particulars are taken from the Carew Manuscripts, which give a summary of the allotments as completed in 1611, making a total of 511,465 acres. Accompanying documents mention by name 56 English Undertakers holding 81,500 acres, 59 Scottish holding 81,000 acres, and 59 servitors holding 49,914 acres. The names of 277 natives are given as holders of allotments in the same precincts with the servitors, aggregating 52,479 acres. In addition Connor Roe Maguire received 5,980 acres and "several Irishmen" are scheduled as holding 1,468 acres, making a total of 59,927 acres allotted to natives. The Carew summary lumps together "British Undertakers and the Londoners" as holders of 209,800 acres. On deducting the 162,500 scheduled to English and Scotch Undertakers in the records accompanying the summary, the London allotments appear to have aggregated 47,300 acres. The remainder consisted of church endowments and lands reserved for public uses such as corporate towns, forts, schools, and hospitals. The College of Dublin received an allotment of 9,600 acres.

The total area appropriated in Ulster for the purposes of the plantation has been a controversial issue and estimates differ greatly, some writers putting it at about 400,000 acres while others contend that it amounted to nearly 4,000,000 acres. Such wide difference on a question of fact shows that passion has clouded the issue. The whole of the six counties includes only 2,836,837 Irish acres, or in English measure 3,785,057 acres. Just how much of this area was allotted to settlers it is impossible to determine exactly, notwithstanding the apparently precise statement made in the Carew records, for it seems that only cleared land was reckoned. The Orders and Conditions say that to every proportion "shall be allowed such quantity of bog and wood as the country shall conveniently afford." The negotiations with the City of London show that in that case large claims were made of privileges appurtenant to the acreage granted, among them woodlands extending into the adjoining county of Tyrone.

Nevertheless there is reason to believe that the Carew computation of 511,465 acres is a fair statement of the actual extent of the lands appropriated for the plantation. The principle upon which the plantation was founded was that the settlers should be massed in certain districts. It appears from a letter of Davies that the commissioners charged with making the surveys were in camp in Ulster nine weeks. In that period of time they could not have done more than to note and map areas suitable for tillage and pasture, and in a report of March 15, 1610, accompanying the transmission of the maps to the English Privy Council a summary is given of land available for the plantation aggregating 424,643 acres. There are also indications that appurtenant rights were strictly construed. The grant of woodlands to the City of London was made with the reservation that the timber was "to be converted to the use of the plantation, and all necessary uses in Ireland, and not to be made merchandize." It was afterward ordered that settlers in Donegal and Tyrone should be allowed to take supplies of timber from the Londoners' lands. The Carew computation of the area allotted exceeds by 86,822 acres the estimate of available lands made by the commission of 1610 which suggests that the Carew computation includes areas of every kind covered by the grants. This conjecture is strengthened by the fact that the articles of agreement with London in 1610 mention only 27,000 acres, whereas the Carew record made in 1611 of the actual distribution charges the Londoners with 47,300 acres.

Further confirmation is supplied by a report made in 1618 by Captain George Alleyne as muster-master of Ulster. It contains the names of all the landholders and the number of their acres, men, muskets, calivers, pikes, halberds and swords. The holdings of the English and Scottish Undertakers are returned as amounting to 197,000 acres, and of the servitors 51,720 acres, a total of 248,720 acres. The same items in the Carew summary aggregate 259,714 acres. So far as it is possible to test the Carew summary it appears to cover the total area appropriated for the occupation and use of the plantation. That is to say, about 18 per cent. of the total area of the six escheated counties, including however all the then desirable lands, was taken from the native Irish proprietors for the purposes of the plantation, but over 11 per cent. of these confiscated lands was allotted to Undertakers coming forward among the native Irish. However opinions may differ as to the morality of the scheme there can be no doubt of the success of the plantation. Ulster had been the most backward province of Ireland. It became the most populous and wealthy.

CHRONOLOGY

1605 October 2:--Chichester to Salisbury urging the need of "planting of English and others well affected" in Ulster.

1606 Bacon to James I:--"Considerations Touching the Plantations in Ireland."

1607 September 4;--Flight of the Earls, September 17:--Chichester urges the need of bringing into Ulster "colonies of civil people of England and Scotland." September 29:--Privy Council replies that the King is "resolved to make a mixture of the inhabitants, as well Irish, as English and Scottish."

1608 April 18:--O'Dogherty captures Derry. July 5:--O'Dogherty killed. September:--Chichester sends to the Privy Council "Certain Notes of Remembrances touching the Plantation and Settlement of the Escheated Lands."

1609 March:--The Privy Council issues "Orders and Conditions to be observed by the Undertakers." March 19:--Letter from the Scottish Secretary of State in London to the Scottish Privy Council at Edinburgh announcing that Scots are to share in the Ulster Plantation. March 28:--Proclamation of the Scottish Privy Council inviting applications for Ulster lands. July 14:--Deputies chosen by the London Guilds to confer with the Privy Council on the matter of taking part in the Ulster Plantation. July 21:--Commissioners appointed to make allotments and to mark fit places for settlement. July 30:--Four citizens of London sent at the City's charge to view the country.

1610 January 28:--Articles of Agreement with the City of London for the rebuilding of Derry and the planting of Coleraine. June 5:--Chichester receives the King's warrant to appoint a new commission for Ulster to remove the natives and put the settlers in possession. August 28:--Proclamation from commissioners that allotted are open for occupation.

END OF CHAPTER I.